July 10, 2014


On a daily basis, we are confronted with serious challenges that have begun to undermine the very foundations of our Nation. The peace and harmony of our multi-ethnic, multi-faith and multicultural society are under threat.

Ethnocentric and race-based politics and communally-minded politicians continue to derail the process of inclusive nation building and the formation of a Bangsa Malaysia national identity. Importantly, religion is now increasingly used as a main marker of identity, and as a boundary maintenance mechanism to polarise the people.

There are political parties and their affiliates that are not focused on nation building, rather on building their respective power bases. These parties on both sides of the divide pursue their agenda that are transactional and short-term, not transformational and long-term.

The mobilisation and manipulation of race, ethnicity and religion have resulted in increasing intolerance, bigotry and extremism. There is also an emerging sub-culture of political violence. These are symptomatic of dangerous under-currents in our society.

The State, by default or design, has failed to address these pernicious developments. The State has also failed to play the role of an honest broker in managing conflicts in our society.


We believe the majority of the People want to end this brand of divisive ethno-religious politics.
We want to take ownership, fully cognisant, that Malaysia is a nation where her people are inextricably bound by a shared history, commonweal, and destiny.

We have to act before our society descends into the abyss of instability.

The “NEGARA-KU” Coalition aspires to mobilize and empower the People: -
1. To resist all forms of intolerance, bigotry, hatred, extremism, and violence;
2. To oppose all forms of discrimination, oppression, persecution and injustice;”
3. To strive for a socially inclusive society;
4. To exhort the State and its Institutions to respect, adhere and uphold the Rule of Law; and
5. To demand adherence to the principles of stewardship, integrity, accountability and transparency in all aspects of governance.

We will strive to do this by returning to the basics:-
The Federal Constitution as the Supreme Law of the Land;
The Malaysia Agreement; and
The Rukunegara as the guide for national objectives and values.
By this process of engagement and empowerment we endeavour to”HEAL THE NATION” and “RESTORE HOPE” in our future.
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Bid to reclaim Malaysia for all launched

Published on Thursday, 10 July 2014 12:02
Written by Mirror On The Wall
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In what can be described an historical event, several NGOs and concerned citizens have come together as one nation to launch, what they have described a people’s movement, called Negara-Ku, to reclaim the nation.

Pak samadambiga-oct29The movement, which is led by national laureate A Samad Said or better known as Pak Samad and former Bar Council chair, Datuk S Ambiga and former Suhakam commissoner Tan Sri Simon Sipaun, has among other objectives, to reinstall the sense of peace, harmony, goodwill among all communities and understanding that Malaysia was so well known for in the past.

Zaid Kamaruddin is chairman of the Negara-Ku movement.

Aptly named ‘Negara-Ku’ or my country, the movement is focused on the formation of Bangsa Malaysia – a move away from the current ethnocentric and race-based politics of of the day.

In charter released today, the movement chastised race-based parties that are bent on perpetuating divisiveness and polarisation by reinforcing “their respective power bases”.

Resist, refuse and rebuke

The former Bersih 2.0 co-chair added that ethno-centric and race-based politics as well as communally-minded politicians continue to derail the process of inclusive nation-building and the formation of a Bangsa Malaysia national identity.

Samad also said that religion was increasingly being used as a main marker of identity, and as a boundary maintenance mechanism to polarise the people.

haris-ibrahim2Also present was activist Haris Ibrahim, who reminded the people of an epsisode in 1947 when the British attempted to divide the people of Malaya. He said that attempt failed.

“On October that year, the people, Malays, Chines and Indians downed tools and brought the administration to a halt.”

The new movement launched today he said, was to return Malaysia to te unity and harmony experienced in the past.

“Resist, refuse and rebuke the effort to divide us,” Haris said.

The Negara-Ku movement slammed what it described as “the manipulation of race, ethnicity and religion that has resulted in increasing intolerance, bigotry and extremism,” in a once prosperous and united nation.

The charter further says that the state apparatus has abdicated its traditional role of being honest and fair “brokers” in conflict management in society.

This, it said, has resulted in an “emerging sub-culture of political violence that are symptomatic of dangerous under-currents in society.”

The charter, which touches on a wide range of socio-ethnic issues, says that the proponents strongly believe that “the majority of the People want to end this brand of divisive ethno-religious politics.”

The movement emphatically states that it wants to “take ownership, fully cognisant, that Malaysia is a nation where her people are inextricably bound by a shared history, commonweal, and destiny.”

Among the stated objectives of the Negara-Ku charter are:

1. To resist all forms of intolerance, bigotry, hatred, extremism, and violence;
2. To oppose all forms of discrimination, oppression, persecution and injustice;
3. To strive for a socially inclusive society;
4. To exhort the State and its Institutions to respect, adhere and uphold the Rule of Law;
5. To demand adherence to the principles of stewardship, integrity, accountability and transparency in all aspects of governance.

The ultimate aim of the Negara-Ku charter is the healing of the nation, so ravaged recently by incendiary statements, and to restore hope to land that was once the envy of our neighbours.


We are all rojak

May 31, 2014

Updated: Sunday May 25, 2014 MYT 8:23:02 AM

Our columnist concludes that her own being is as colourful as the Malaysian society at large.

IF I had been born in the 1930s, I would most likely be recognised as a “Minangkabau” rather than a “Malay” or “Melayu”.

My paternal family was commonly recognised as Minangkabau, rather than Malay, which seems to be a later oversimplification of my lineage and the history that comes with it.

The Minangkabau people originate from an area of West Sumatra which borders Riau to the east, Jambi to the south and Mandailing to the north. The capital of the province is Padang, from which the famous “Nasi Padang” is derived.

The word Minangkabau itself is thought to have been a conjunction of “minang/menang”, meaning victorious, and “kabau”, meaning buffalo.

The story has it that a territorial dispute between the people and a prince was settled by a fight between two water buffalos.

The prince brought a mighty buffalo, while the people brought a hungry baby buffalo with its horns sharpened.

The mighty buffalo, thinking it was just a baby, paid no heed to it, but the baby buffalo thrust its head against the buffalo looking for an udder, and its sharp horns punctured the belly, eventually killing it. And so, the people won the dispute.

The Minangkabau are further distinguished by clans such as Koto (to which my grandmother Aishah belongs) and Sikumbang (my grandfather Shukur) among many others. However, Minangkabau are not allowed to marry within the same clan.

My grandfather had an old flame who also happened to be a Sikumbang, but his mother would not have it.

She had preferred my grandmother instead, and had “booked” her very early on.

Although it was an arranged marriage, love eventually blossomed between the two and only death parted them. My grandmother passed away in October 2012 and my grandfather, May 2013.

My grandmother’s mother, Dandalina (or Nek Dan, as I remembered her) came from Pariaman, a town about 50km from Padang. She opened the first Padang restaurant in the Jelebu district of Negri Sembilan. My father had piped: “They were kaki buka restoran (fond of opening restaurants),” as my grandmother’s family had opened many Padang restaurants in Johor and Singapore.

The Minangkabau are famed for being savvy business people, and my great-grandmother was no exception.

Often times she travelled back to Pariaman trading batik and other goods.

My grandfather, on the other hand, was born in a shophouse in Beranang (a small town on the border of Negri Sembilan and Selangor) in 1926. His father, Ali, was a Minangkabau from Jelebu, while his grandmother, Kandaharun, was from Sungai Limau in the district of Pariaman.

My grandfather used to travel every day from Beranang to study at the Kajang High School, which was founded in 1919. During the Japanese Occupation, he enrolled at a school near the Japanese navy air base in Seletar, Singapore.

He studied at Nasyo Koen Yoseijo (as my grandfather recalled) for four years, and later taught basic Japanese to new students.

World War II happened while he was still teaching at the school. My grandfather could still remember a little bit of Japanese, and when I used to learn the language, we would trade a sentence or two (I’m embarrassed to call it a “conversation” as I was poor at it!).

My grandfather was due to continue his studies in Japan when he was advised against doing so for fear the ship would be bombed by British forces. True enough, the ship was bombed and if he had gone, I might not have existed!

Towards the end of World War II, the airbase was bombed by B29s. My grandfather managed to escape to Johor, but not before helping to carry corpses, many of whom were workers at the base.

When my great-grandparents migrated from West Sumatra to Malaya, it seemed that they had left the Minangkabau adat and language behind and assimilated with the Malays of Malaya.

Both my grandparents did not practise the traditional Adat Pepatih customs, with which the Minangkabau people are so closely identified. Neither can they speak the authentic Minang language of West Sumatra, although my grandfather speaks the Negri Sembilan version.

The elders of my grandmother’s family still retain the West Sumatran dialect, but the mother tongue was lost with the younger generations.

Indonesian ethnic groups are identified geographically, from their area of origin and the associated culture, language and tradition.

For me, it is important to distinguish that “Malay” as an ethnicity refers to a group of people originating from and inhabiting East Sumatra, which spans Jambi, Riau and Deli.

My family’s traditions, by right, would be alien to the Malay traditions as practised today in Malaysia.

But years of assimilation have carved away what little of West Sumatra they had since the migration.

I can only romanticise and imagine notions of a group that I have no connection with.

Even if I had a choice to identify myself as a Minangkabau, I can neither speak the language, nor have I even been to West Sumatra.

It is easier to assume one’s ethnicity as “Malay” and fit into a box originally created by colonial rulers trying to make sense of an alien society than to write that I am a rojak person who is “part Minang, part Chinese, part Thai and part Arab”.

This month marks the first year of my grandfather’s passing. I was lucky to have been able to document his story and my family’s history while he was still with us. I hope to share with other people who also have similar stories like mine. What do these stories mean today? Why would it matter, if at all?

We may not be able to connect with our past, but we can create the future. And as we grapple to find a unique Malaysian identity, perhaps we should find refuge and comfort in knowing that there is more than one identity, given that we are a society of mixed ancestry and many histories.

There is nothing wrong with being rojak.


Anti-graft officers prime suspects in Beng Hock’s death, court told – Bernama

May 28, 2014

MAY 28, 2014
Teoh Beng Hock’s mother with a photo of a her son. The DAP party worker was found dead on the fifth floor of Plaza Masalam, Shah Alam, in 2009. – The Malaysian Insider file pic, May 28, 2014.
Teoh Beng Hock’s mother with a photo of a her son. The DAP party worker was found dead on the fifth floor of Plaza Masalam, Shah Alam, in 2009. – The Malaysian Insider file pic, May 28, 2014.
The Court of Appeal was told today that Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission (MACC) officers were the prime suspects in DAP political aide Teoh Beng Hock’s death and their evidence should therefore be treated with caution.

Counsel Gobind Singh, representing Beng Hock’s family, contended that the evidence of independent witnesses during the inquest at the Shah Alam Coroner Court revealed the MACC officers were not telling the truth.

Gobind alleged that there was evidence that the officers had used force against Beng Hock before he was found dead on July 16, 2009.

He also submitted that the Coroner’s Court should not use higher standard proof in reaching for an open verdict in Beng Hock’s case.

“There were sufficient grounds for the Coroner to reach a verdict of death by homicide or person present at MACC office, where the deceased was detained overnight,” he said before a three-member panel Court of Appeal judges chaired by Datuk Mohamad Ariff Md Yusof.

Two other panel members were Datuk Mah Weng Kwai and Datuk Dr Hamid Sultan Abu Backer.

Gobind contended that the Coroner’s Court and the Shah Alam High Court, which upheld the open verdict of the inquest, failed to take note that the inquest was more to fact finding exercise when they adopted higher test of beyond reasonable doubt in establishing whether there were criminal elements involved in Beng Hock’s death.

Meanwhile, the prosecution, represented by deputy public prosecutors Nadia Hanim Tajudin and Mohamad Abazafree Mohd Abbas, submitted that evidence by four experts, including British forensic expert Prof Dr Peter Vanezis, during the inquest found the injuries sustained by Beng Hock were consistent with pre-fall injuries.

Nadia said only the expert called by the appellant (Beng Hock’s brother, Teoh Meng Kee), Thai pathologist Dr Pornthip Rojanasunand disagreed with the view by concluding that 80% was homicide and 20% was suicide with injuries on Beng Hock’s neck might be due to strangulation.

Nadia said Dr Pornthip relied more on photographs taken before the first post mortem and that the pathologist was never present during the autopsy.

“She was more speculative and very inconsistent when giving her views, especially on the neck injury suffered by Beng Hock,” she added.

She also said Dr Pornthip never visited the crime scene.

Justice Mohamad Ariff ordered both parties to file their written submissions within two weeks before the court set the date to deliver its judgment.

Meng Kee is appealing against the decision by the Coroner’s Court on June 5,2010, that Beng Hock’s death was not due to suicide or murder and there was no third party involved in the death.

Beng Hock, 30, was found sprawled on the fifth floor landing of Plaza Masalam in Shah Alam where the MACC headquarters was formerly located, on the morning of July 16, 2009.

After the Coroner’s Court handed down the open verdict decision, Meng Kee filed an application to the High Court to have that decision reviewed.

However, the High Court in Shah Alam rejected his (Meng Kee’s) review application on December 1, 2011.

Meng Kee obtained leave from the Court of Appeal on February 2, last year to appeal against the decision of the High Court. – Bernama, May 28,2014.

MACC had ‘every reason to lie’ in Beng Hock case, court told
BY IDA LIMMAY 28, 2014UPDATED: MAY 28, 2014 09:29 PM
Lawyer Gobind Singh Deo reminded the Court of Appeal that officers from the Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission (MACC) had questioned the young Teoh Beng Hock aide overnight before he was found dead in 2009. ― Picture by Boo Su-Lyn

KUALA LUMPUR, May 28 ― Evidence provided by local graftbusters in Teoh Beng Hock’s death probe should be treated with caution as they were “suspects” in the case and had every reason to lie, lawyer Gobind Singh Deo told the Court of Appeal today.

Earlier, Gobind, who is Teoh’s family lawyer, reminded the court that officers from the Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission (MACC) had questioned the young DAP aide overnight before he was found dead in 2009.

“In our submission, the evidence given by MACC ought to be viewed with caution. These were the suspects, they have every reason to lie to save their skins,” he told a three-man panel at the Court of Appeal today.

The Court of Appeal is reviewing the decision by the Coroner’s Court in 2010, which had delivered an open verdict, ruling that Teoh’s death was not a homicide or a suicide.

Earlier during his submission, Gobind also told the court that MACC officer Mohd Anuar Ismail did not act consistently with one who was in “shock” when he discovered the body of Teoh lying on the fifth floor of the Selangor MACC headquarters.

As the officer who had took Teoh back to the Selangor MACC headquarters and kept him there overnight, Gobind questioned Anuar’s reaction, describing it as “conduct” that was “very strange”.

According to Gobind, Anuar had looked on Teoh’s body from afar, but did not come down to check if he was still alive.

Knowing that he is responsible for Teoh as the person in charge then, Anuar should have quickly secured or cordoned the body and asked MACC officers to clear the 14th floor from which the man fell, Gobind argued.

Anuar should have also called Teoh’s family and lawyer, he said.

Pointing out that the police came to the Selangor MACC headquarters about three hours later to conduct forensic tests, Gobind pointed out that the integrity of the crime scene would have been at risk.

“That was enough time, more than enough time for the scene to be contaminated,” he said.

The Court of Appeal panel is chaired by Datuk Mohamad Arif Md Yusof, and includes judges Datuk Mah Weng Kwai and Datuk Haji Hamid Sultan Abu Baker.

This morning, government lawyer DPP Mohamad Abazafree Mohd Abbas was quizzed over who had penned the suicide note in Teoh’s bag that the former DAP aide had allegedly written.

Abazafree said there was “credible evidence” to prove the letter’s authenticity, explaining that a handwriting expert had said that the note had “similar characteristics” to Teoh’s handwriting in other documents after comparing them.

Repeatedly pressed by the judges on whether the author of the note was ever conclusively determined to be Teoh, Abazafree explained that no experts would be able to do so as they only offer opinions in court.

Earlier, he also maintained the government’s stand that the court “should be cautious” about the note, later insisting that the coroner was right to “assume” that it was written by Teoh based on expert opinion.

Gobind contended that there was a break in the “chain of evidence” where there were uncertainties over the handling of Teoh’s bag after his death, arguing that there was a possibility that the bag’s contents became “contaminated or disturbed”.

Abazafree and his colleague DPP Nadia Hanim Mohd Tajuddin argued that coroner Azmil Muntapha Abas had acted correctly by delivering an open verdict on January 5, 2010.

But Gobind reiterated his argument that the coroner ― by applying a lighter standard of proof ― would have been able to return a verdict of “death by homicide” or that MACC officers were “criminally concerned” in Teoh’s death.

The court adjourned today and both sides will have to submit written submissions next month before the judges deliver their decision.

On February 10, 2012, Teoh Meng Kee – Beng Hock’s elder brother ― filed an application at the Court of Appeal to review the open verdict delivered by the Coroner’s Court in 2010, after his application was rejected by the High Court on December 1, 2011.

Beng Hock’s family have been in and out of the courtrooms over the past four years, after the 30-year-old groom-to-be was found sprawled in a pool of his own blood on the fifth-floor landing of the Plaza Masalam building in Shah Alam on the morning of July 16, 2009, days before his wedding.

A Royal Commission of Inquiry into Beng Hock’s death, chaired by now-retired Federal Court judge Tan Sri James Foong Cheng Yuen, later ruled on July 21, 2011 that it was a suicide.

- See more at:



A Living Nation

June 11, 2013

By Allan CF Goh

A nation cannot live
With its people truncated,
Like the dried fallen leaf,
Crushed and emasculated.A people cannot thrive,
Under any tyranny,
Be it of racist strife,
Or undeserved agony.

A state cannot progress
If she rejects the truly best,
And goes on to transgress
Her people’s talented quest.

A country will degrade,
When swamped full of corruption.
It cannot maintain grade,
Based on discrimination.

When the country’s future
Rests on men of arrogance,
With talents not nurtured,
We face only ignorance.

There is only one choice:
To nurture virtues valiant,
Listen to progress’s voice,
And sideline all the villains.

Minister of Home Affairs, IGP and Chief Commissioner: Stop State Violence

June 8, 2013
  • Petitioning Minister of Home Affairs, IGP and Chief Commissioner


Is there no justice or rule of law in Malaysia? Can members of the Royal Police Force, Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission (MACC) or any other government enforcement agency abuse their powers as and when they please? Should they escape the long arm of the law, justice, criminal prosecution and disciplinary action for all the unjustifiable and unlawful shootings, deaths in custody and torture? Are they above the law?

We are here to remind Minister of Home Affairs Datuk Seri Ahmad Zahid Hamidi, Inspector General of Police Tan Sri Ismail Omar, and Chief MACC Commissioner Datuk Abu Kassim Mohamed of the serious cases of police and MACC brutality in recent years that are still awaiting justice and answers. The family members of the deceased persons, survivors, their lawyers, supporters, civil society and the Rakyat will not be deceived by the authorities’ inaction or half-hearted actions on these cases who seem to hope that in time, the uproar and memory of these cases will simply fade away.

There are many more cases particularly affecting refugees, migrants and foreigners who have died in custody, tortured, whipped and subjected to inhumane or degrading treatment, then deported without their stories being told or revealed to us. Consequently, these enforcement agencies continue to act with impunity in treatment of persons.

Our Protests

1 Failure to take action, lack of independent and effective investigations

2 Recurrent excuses, disturbing trends and false accusations

3 Lack of professionalism, complete disregard of well-established laws and guidelines

4 Culture of impunity

Our Demands

With the nation facing its most important general elections in its history, we urge the Minister of Home Affairs, IGP and Chief Commissioner to take this opportunity to make a clean break from the police, MACC and other enforcement agencies’ long tarnished history and reputation of brutality, trigger-happy attitude, corrupt impunity, and acting as the protector of the rich and powerful and oppressor of the poor and weak. The Minister, IGP and Chief Commissioner are responsible to restore public confidence in the credibility, trust and professionalism of the police force, MACC and other enforcement agencies which even the most blinkered officials will acknowledge is extremely low.

There is no short cut in the road to police and MACC reformation and redemption. Hard decisions will have to be made and those in power and positions will certainly attempt to resist. Despite all the failed promises and half-hearted attempts at reform, we the Rakyat, civil society, the many victims, family members and survivors of brutality and the affected communities demand the following:

1. Without fear or favor, bring all offenders among the police, MACC and other enforcement agencies, to justice including for serious criminal charges and disciplinary proceedings that commensurate with the offenses;

2. Immediately establish the Independent Police Complaints and Misconduct Commission (IPCMC) to function as an independent, external oversight body to investigate complaints about police personnel and to make the police accountable for their conduct;

3. Institute an Ombudsmen system that enforces human rights practice in all enforcement agencies and their places of detention such as prisons, immigration detention centers and lockups;

4. Review and make public the law enforcement agencies’ standard operating procedures including the Inspector General Standing Order on police guidelines on discharge of firearms and detention and interrogation;

5. Support the setting up of an independent and competent Coroner’s Court system to replace the current Magistrate’s Inquest which is extremely problematic and ineffective;

6. ” Ratify the Convention against Torture and the Optional protocol” followed by necessary laws to eliminate torture.”

7. Support human rights education and training programmes, with a view to changing the attitudes, perceptions and met.

Why I will not move on — Lishan Low

May 16, 2013

May 16, 2013

MAY 16 — 1. Barisan Nasional (BN) does not have political legitimacy

There are two elements to legitimacy — procedural and substantive legitimacy. BN fails on both counts.

Procedural legitimacy requires that the instituted election mechanisms (however unfair) are carried out and complied with to the fullest extent. This means that even with an uneven delineation of constituencies and a questionable electoral roll, if the elections had been conducted in a professional manner, the results would have been procedurally legitimate by account of the “rules of the game.”

Nevertheless, even on this count, BN has failed to adhere to its own heavily biased and terribly unfair procedure. Allegations of ballot boxes disappearing, double voting, and ballot stuffing mar the elections purely on a procedural level. Moreover, a widespread and fairly indiscreet campaign of vote-buying is illegal and further taints the electoral process. So even if you ask me to accept the grossly unfair procedure that BN themselves have instituted, I cannot grant that the outcome was legitimate.

Substantive legitimacy on the other hand, has more to do with perception. The people, the rakyat, themselves need acknowledge that BN has a legitimate mandate to rule. Here, you cannot say that gerrymandering or a dirty electoral role are merely facts that have to be “lived with” and can only be changed in Parliament (ergo, wait till GE14). If the process itself is not perceived by the rakyat as fair and free, there is no sense in suggesting that the outcome it produces is legitimate. Furthermore, given that BN LOST the popular vote, that itself is enough grounds to discard the entire elections as an irredeemable sham.

So to those who argue that gerrymandering cannot be legally challenged (yes I am referring very specifically to a particular camp of people), I say ay, of course it can’t be legally challenged. Given that reality, wouldn’t it make sense that we call the election what it truly was in the first place — a gigantic sham! And shouldn’t it then follow that we should not accept the outcome of GE13 and demand a re-election, along with the decimation of the Election Commission?

2. The voice and dignity of every Malaysian is at stake

What is at stake is more than just five more years of BN hegemony. What is at stake is the dignity and voice of every Malaysian, not just those that voted for the opposition. For far too long, Malaysians allowed evil-doers in our country to rob us of our dignity. We have accepted half-hearted and two-faced responses to demands for change and convinced ourselves that we can live with it. Finally, we have the opportunity to call their bluff, to expose Datuk Seri Najib Razak and his merry gang for what they truly are — plunderers and criminals. How can we stay silent any longer and allow BN to continue on in their ways, occasionally placating us with insincere promises of reform and transformation. If the aftermath of their victory is anything to go by, we know and we see that nothing has or will change. Race continues to be used as a weapon to stir up division in the country, the same group of incompetent miscreants gets appointed into top ministerial positions, and no attempt whatsoever has been made to address the ever-rising tide of allegations of electoral fraud.

Never forget as well that every inch given to BN, the more ground the opposition loses in its struggle for meaningful transformation. Moving on is akin to surrender, like a tiger that has successfully overcome its prey but suddenly decides to let it go, or a boxer who has overwhelmed his opponent but leaves the ring before the buzzer goes off. It is unthinkable that we should allow BN space to regroup, to continue on with “business as usual,” rewarding its supporters and striking fear into the hearts of those who “betrayed” them.

3. The least among us cannot afford to move on

Five years is a long time. Quite a lot of good can be accomplished, even more harm can be inflicted. Our struggle against BN is not just a struggle for power, it is a struggle for justice. When we go to the ballot box, we don’t just fight for our own well being but the well being the least among us.

There are many among us who cannot move on. They are stuck in a perpetual cycle of hardship and depravity. I am talking about the natives of Sarawak whose homes are virtually stripped from beneath their feet. Theirs is a home that cannot be returned. The moment they are forced from it, the land will be desolated. The richness of the forests will be plundered to feed the greed of monsters in our land.

I am talking about the 168 house owners that will be evicted from their houses tomorrow morning. Theirs was a fight with the odds stacked against them. The avarice of private developers and the inadequacy of our justice system robbed these house owners and their families of their hard earned property.

I am talking about multitude of minorities that have been withheld citizenship even after being in the country for generations. At the same time, identity cards are dispensed freely to those whom BN finds agreeable.

Anyone of us could be in such positions right now, yet most of us are not. We live in relative comfort, we have lived for a long time under the BN government and have got along fine, save a few complaints. But the least among us are not afforded such luxuries. They can’t move on. They are stuck. So do not tell these people to move on. They deserve a voice and we owe it to them to fight on.

4. I will not be complicit to the crimes of BN and the EC

Malaysians cannot no longer afford to turn a blind eye. By doing so we are choosing to wilfully ignore the injustices wrought by BN and the Election Commission. We are choosing to allow the perpetuation of an authoritarian regime legitimising it self via a pseudo democratic process. If we truly want a democratic process we must be willing to fight for it. If we do not, if we insist on moving on, I believe that we inadvertently become complicit to the crime. The reality is this, Malaysians: we do not live in a democracy. And unless we fight to have democratic processes actually implemented, BN will continue to control the political levers, allowing them to maintain a perception of legitimacy and they will continue to plunder our beloved country until she has nothing left to give. At that point, there will be nothing left to move on to.

Race relations and the moral imperative

May 14, 2013
May 14, 2013

I call on all right-minded Malaysians – be they Malay, Chinese, Indian, Dayak or Kadazan or any other ethnic group – to reject the racist Barisan Nasional.


By Anwar Ibrahim

A week has lapsed since the 13th General Election where yet another wave of change of Tsunamic proportions was unleashed.

But this change, which should have been a change in government, was forestalled by the systemic fraud perpetrated by Najib’s Umno-BN which robbed Pakatan Rakyat of its rightful victory.

This is not a question of mere electoral flaws or irregularities but a far and wide-ranging scheme of deception and cheating orchestrated at the highest levels calculated and executed to ensure that Umno’s hold on power will remain, come hell or high water.

Naturally, this travesty of the people’s right has provoked a reaction so strong — now known as Black 505 — that it has spooked the corrupters and evil plotters to seek all means possible to divert and distract the people’s focus.

Najib called the 13th GE results a “Chinese tsunami” the first of a series of blows nationwide attacking the community, while at the same time endeavouring to use the rhetoric to provoke the Malay community to respond and react.

It didn’t matter that he was talking through his hat for the reality showed otherwise — the poll numbers extrapolated from independent sources clearly indicated an increase in the number of votes from the Malay, Chinese and Indian communities in favour of Pakatan, apart from the consequential increase in the number of Pakatan Malay lawmakers elected to office.

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